Young people from less well-off backgrounds are more likely to pursue lower ranked upper-secondary qualifications than their prior attainment would suggest that they can achieve.
Recent research from Konstantina Maragkou (University of Sheffield and CVER) examines whether socio-economic inequalities exist in the academic match of
students in upper-secondary education. Academic
match occurs when student quality matches the quality of the qualification that
they take, i.e. students are taking appropriate qualifications for their
capabilities and prior attainment. The study uncovers a significant
socio-economic gap in academic match among English students in upper-secondary
post-compulsory education. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds
achieve less highly ranked qualifications compared to their similarly attaining but
more advantaged peers. We show that this is associated with a wage penalty in
the labour market.
This study makes use of detailed
individual-level linked administrative data (‘Longitudinal Educational
Outcomes’ data) from schools, colleges and tax authorities in England for a
single cohort of students who undertook their GCSE exams in 2006. Academic
match is measured using a continuous variable defining undermatched, matched
and overmatched students based on the distance between each student’s prior attainment
in GCSE exams and the median prior GCSE attainment of the other students who
achieved the same chosen academic or vocational qualification in
upper-secondary education. The students who follow upper-secondary
qualifications that are studied by similarly achieving peers are then
considered as matched to their qualification.
The outcome of this analysis shows that students from socially
disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to be exposed to academic undermatch
(that is, having higher prior attainment than the median on their chosen
upper-secondary course), even compared to others within the same school.
The study considers students’ match in Level 1
to Level 3 vocational qualifications and Level 3 academic qualifications
(A-levels and AS levels) taken in upper-secondary education between ages 16 and
19. Previous literature on rates of return has shown a positive average income
return to qualifications at Level 3, whether vocational or academic. However,
with regard to the students who leave the education system with lower level qualifications,
there is more controversy over the extent to which these qualifications offer good
opportunities for future employment and earnings. Qualification choice is
therefore important with potentially long-lasting consequences.
Figure 1 displays the variation of the total GCSE
point score of students achieving each upper-secondary qualification with the
upper and lower lines of the box representing the value at which 75% and 25% of
the sample scored below that GCSE point score respectively, the middle line
representing the median GCSE point score and the top and bottom extending lines
the range. It is evident that there are substantial differences in the ranking
of each qualification, with the median scores of students studying for the most highly-ranked
qualifications being considerably higher than those of the students studying for
the lowest ranked ones. In addition, the difference between the median GCSE
point score of students studying for vocational and academic qualifications is
also notable.
Figure 1: Measure of qualification’s quality
based on median standardised GCSE scores of students achieving that
qualification
From the raw data, a significant socio-economic
gap in the academic match of students in upper-secondary education is observed,
as illustrated in Figure 2. Students from the lowest socio-economic group are
less well matched to their chosen upper-secondary qualification compared to
students from the highest socio-economic group (i.e. they achieve less in upper
secondary education than their GCSE scores would suggest they are capable of).
Figure 2: Academic match of highest and lowest
SES students
When keeping important background factors
constant, including prior attainment at ages 11 and 14, demographic
characteristics and secondary school attended, students from socially
disadvantaged backgrounds are still more likely to be exposed to academic
undermatch compared to their more advantaged peers. This gap is greater among
the highest achieving students. This means that, compared to other young people
from a more advantaged background with the same level of prior attainment and
the same other background characteristics, those from a less well-off
background are more likely to study for lower-ranked qualifications in
upper-secondary education. Also, undermatched students are more likely to be
found in schools with lower proportions of high achieving students and higher
proportions of disadvantaged students, suggesting the importance of peer groups
and school guidance on qualification choices. Among the highest achieving
students, 80% of the identified socio-economic gap on academic match could be
explained by such differences in the schools that those students from differing
backgrounds had attended.
In addition, the study shows that a significant
proportion of undermatched students are likely to be found in rural districts
with higher rates of youth unemployment and higher proportions of residents
with only low-level qualifications.
Does being undermatched matter? The
study also estimates wage equations with the indicators of whether young people
are matched or not to their upper-secondary qualification. The results show
that there is a positive relationship between being academically matched and
labour market income returns. Non-university participating girls who are one
standard deviation less undermatched earn 17% more at age 25 while
non-university participating boys earn 5% more.
In summary, the study shows that there is a significant
socio-economic gap in academic match among English students in upper-secondary
post-compulsory education. Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds
achieved less highly ranked qualifications compared to their similarly attaining
but more advantaged peers. We show that this matters for labour market
outcomes. Policy-makers should be focusing more on providing students with
information related to the available upper-secondary courses that are suitable
to each student’s ability credentials and future educational and occupational
aspirations.
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